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走出恶言恶语,爬回批斗的过去 – 回应李叶明:走出悲情,拥抱未来

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li ye ming low thia khiang

 

Written By: 福建兵@HOKKIEN PLATOON

笑看人生风雨路,历尽桑沧瞄时局!

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小兵:走出恶言恶语,爬回批斗的过去! 回应  李叶明:走出悲情,拥抱未来

翻开2月18日的《联合早报》,在刘程强的名字跃入眼帘之前,大标题《建设一个人丁兴旺、可持续的新加坡》已深深打动了我。这是任何一个新加坡人都希望看到的美好愿景。我急切地读完全文,可惜没读到一点具体内容,让人颇感文不对题。我多么希望刘先生能就此提出一些更具体的东西。毕竟这关系到新加坡的未来,我们大家的未来。

我小兵看到这李叶明又在左批刘程强议员,右轰工人党,真的很厌烦!这李叶明的名字好像早上醒来的眼屎,又大又黄闻起来,是恶臭的(哈哈,笔者国难当头又逢年关吃太多肉干,火气很大!)!你这李君明明问刘议员在讲什么?却在本文里好像很无辜卷入笔战风波,好像你有雄才大志比整个工人党还英明!人家《建设一个人丁兴旺、可持续的新加坡》没有具体内容,文不对题。而你这篇要《走出悲情,拥抱未来 》我倒觉得你需要走出恶言恶语,爬回批斗的过去!走出抹黑工人党的恶言恶语的阴谋,爬回移民前小时爱批斗老爸老妈的猫样!大家请原谅笔者在这篇文章里用语不客气,因为福建兵本是粗人!面对低俗的人就更粗俗了!

李君说刘先生在文章中指我“想致工人党于死地”,只因我用了“煽动”二字。我的原话是“煽动排外不是爱国。按出生地划分公民,不会加强国民认同与凝聚力。”这是在指控“煽动”罪吗?只是在表达观点而已吧。用到“煽动”二字就是想致工人党于死地?刘先生是在演示什么叫“危言耸听”吗?

“煽动排外不是爱国。按出生地划分公民,不会加强国民认同与凝聚力。”这是在指控“煽动”罪吗?这种话李君讲出来还不够力?不够严重吗?明明就强加莫须有罪名在工人党身上却说是观点。那小兵也送你一句:拍马屁抱大腿也不是爱国。按自己吹捧的功力来分移民身份,不会加多执政党给您的赏赐!你也是在演示什么叫妖言惑众吗?如此大逆不道的手段骗得了谁!

我尊重刘先生的逻辑。他之所以有这样的恐惧,显然不是我一个新公民能造成的。他在文章中回顾了过去、难以抹灭的恐惧感,他称之为“白色恐怖”。我对刘先生所说的这段历史,并非一无所知。 但世界在进步,历史在发展。新加坡也走过一个又一个“分水岭”。在工人党接连打胜多场选战后,作为国会第一大反对党,可说是气势如虹。今时今日,我写一篇批评工人党和刘程强的文章,都会引来朋友们的关切:“不会惹上麻烦吧?” 原本我想,他们是不是有点“危言耸听”了。现在才知道,他们的担心不是没有道理。刘先生把我定性为“想致工人党于死地”,应该是在煽动支持者对我的不满。可是这场讨论,有必要用这种煽动悲情的手段吗? 糟糕!我又用到了“煽动”二字,不会换来更多帽子吧?好在今天的新加坡,已是一个健全的民主与法治社会。我应该不必担心这种“危言耸听”才是。对刘先生当年从政的勇气,坦白说我是非常钦佩的。但刘先生是不是也该走出悲情,用今天的民主思维来说话?这样讨论问题或许更理性些。而且我相信,走出悲情,才能拥抱更美好的未来。

刘议员所经历的“白色恐怖”不必李君操心,你就算有一知半解你也没有经历过!就如文化大革命,以你的年龄,当时可能就是小红卫兵!!哎呀听说就是那些小红卫兵,当时批老师,清算自己的父母!从小就笨苯被大人牵着鼻子啊走,煽动乡民斗倒自己的老爸老妈,阿公阿婆。也难怪李君很喜欢用煽动来挑起本土新加坡人和新移民的情绪!又喜欢在我们所经历的白色恐怖的伤口上撒盐!后港有间医院是求助心理健康,李君可以考虑去挂号问诊!

我赞赏工人党在上届大选提出“第一世界国会”的口号,可是对工人党最近在国会的表现,我很难再竖起大拇指。原因我在《刘程强在说什么?》一文中已经提到很多了。比如,工人党主张冻结外劳,是不是一个极端方案?为什么要不顾一切反对外来人口?经济增长真的不重要吗?工人党主张进一步调低经济增长,一面又主张提高工资,他们是否意识到这两者之间的矛盾呢?

工人党在上次大选要迈向第一世界国会是目标,不是口号!从后港与榜鹅东补选得到人民的大力支持,已经铁一般证明工人党的表现是让百姓激赏!李君说难竖起大姆指?我倒看到你的中指乱乱指!要批判工人党的政见,笔者建议李君就创立一个新移民政党啦!!就送你一个吉祥物作党徽;有猫样的熊猫!

就是第一世界的国会所赐,我们在这块土地上很理性的选出支持的代议士。在芳林公园抱着忧国忧民的心情表达不满,表示对人口白皮书的抗议!不是暴乱,也不是示威。你那有看过没有警察看守的示威吗?直从2011年大选后,新加坡人的政治环境改变的更开放,国政公务更透明并受到更严谨的监督!你看到议员的操守重于本身的才干素资。你就知道我们走向两党制的政治目标不远,这就是第一世界国会!李君有本事就在政坛上与工人党正式交手!不然就让我们这些凡夫走卒陪你玩玩。刘议员应该再睬你都傻!

谁在断章取义? 还有最关键的“战后婴儿潮”问题。从他们主张增加居民人口的就业参与率,提出所谓每年挖掘多1%的本地劳动力,可以看出他们对“战后婴儿潮”问题完全失忆,没有意识到整百万新加坡人将在未来十多年内达到退休年龄。新加坡正面对人口迅速老化的危机!对这些问题,刘先生为什么在文章中避而不谈?难道喊多几句漂亮口号,对真正的问题视而不见,我们就会有更美好的未来?

刘先生的文章中还有一处自相矛盾。前面才说完“讨论的对象是新加坡公民,不是非公民的外劳和女佣”,后面在反驳我指出新公民人口每年增长其实不到1%时,又强调“别忘了,我们不单须要磨合成为公民的新公民,也必须面对还未成为公民的外来人民”。请问,他的讨论对象到底包括不包括外劳和女佣? 对我国的移民和外劳政策,刘先生应该非常了解。外劳和女佣在我国工作,不可以带家眷、不可以与本地人通婚、如果女性一旦怀孕会被立刻遣返,他们绝大多数没有资格申请成为永久居民,因此受工作准证限制,不可能长期在我国工作。对于这样的人口,有必要像新公民那样“磨合”吗?有必要担心他们稀释新加坡人核心吗?

叶明君在文中质问:“为什么新加坡允许多一些外劳和女佣,就会稀释新加坡人核心呢?刘议员都说”针对新加坡人核心的问题,我们所指的是政府批准外国人成为公民的数目,所关注的是数量的问题;请搞清楚,所讨论的对象是新加坡公民,不是非公民的外劳和女佣。李君啊,你还敢说自己没有断章取义?谁不知道外劳是外劳,女佣是女佣。能否成为新公民是有重重把关!以他们的资历和工资是不大可能成为永久居民,更别说新公民!多隆多隆李君不要在鸡蛋里挑骨头!如果你说人家有矛盾,倒不如怪自己耳朵有耳粪塞住了!

当然刘先生一定会说,他担心的不是这些人口,而是新公民。可人口白皮书里说得清楚,未来每年批准新公民1万5000至2万5000人,还不到我国公民总数的1%(严格来说是0.46%-0.76%)。刘先生问我数字是怎么来的?我倒被问得一头雾水。难道我们不是在谈人口白皮书?

请李君张开眼睛:政府公布人口白皮书预计,我国人口会在2020年先达到580万至600万人;到了2030年,人口预计达690万!公民人口在新公民的“补充”下到380万人组成!永久居民会保持在目前的50万至60万人水平,其余230万至250万人是非居民。虽然相比2005年至今短短八年间人口快速增长110万人,未来人口增长会趋缓,但我国人口结构将无可避免地出现显著变化;新加坡公民人口比率将萎缩,从目前的62%缩小至55%!

按照这说法就是,380万人有55%是新加坡公民210万,移民公民就有170万!重点就是这些半路出家的移民那里够具本土生活资历与政治成熟度左右新加坡的选举成绩与国会议席的结构!就好像没有吃过榴櫣的人怎么可以卖榴櫣?怎么知道D24或猫山王的味道有何不同!所以请你不要在1%或1万或2万移民钻牛角尖,而是增加拥挤的人口和不成熟的国籍身份确定让我们受不了!

至于刘先生否认分化新加坡人。的确,他说过:应该对获得公民权的新公民一视同仁。同时他又说:然而要记住,这些都是人,人的价值观、人生观、世界观和生活的习惯都因环境、国情和习俗的不同而有异,需要时间磨合,也需要适当的磨合环境。接着他又说:新加坡没有磨合新移民的条件。如果把这三句话读完整,他是在说新公民与土生公民都一样?还是在说他们永远不可能一样呢? 刘先生对自己说过的话,怎么也会断章取义呢?后面关键那句怎么就不提了?他说:“大多数新加坡人的分析能力是很强的,也懂得分辨是非曲直。”对此,我举双手赞成。

孙建民先生的文章《什么是新加坡的核心人口?》,有一点说得非常好:真正的新加坡核心包括土生公民、包括所有归化的新公民、还有那些跟我们拥有相同信念和价值观,并在新加坡工作生活多年,已融入和正在融入本地社会的永久居民。 我想,刘先生如果忘记了一个传统的移民社会应有怎样的胸怀,不妨参考一下孙先生的说法。何必非要把新公民视为威胁、视为对新加坡人核心的稀释呢?他们为什么不能是对新加坡人核心的加强?

至于孙先生说我把时间搞混了,误以为刘议员是在反对今天的新移民。我看他是误会了。我反对的是刘程强发言的逻辑,与时间是2013年还是2030年关系不大。如果刘议员认为,未来的新公民是对新加坡人核心的稀释,那为什么现在的新公民就不是?逻辑其实是一样的。 孙先生赞同“反移民是条不归路”,对此我非常欣慰。不过对孙先生认定,刘议员和工人党不是在反对移民,我却没什么信心。

增加移民和加速增加移民一样吗?单单新公民男生经过国民服役和新公民的下一代才要国民服役就大大不同!最少我 们从来没有对孩子服兵役有任何意见,因为我们对家园有归属感,愿意效忠国家!而李君若将来孩子长大就有可能兵变!不就听说很多移民的新公民等孩子要服兵役前放弃国籍,卖掉房子赚了一笔走人!反移民是不对的,但是反对那些损害国家利益、不尽忠报国、借我们的国籍跳板到美国的投机新公民的移民是正确的!

最后小兵要说李叶明君你不是正人君子,因为你的心不是在针对刘程强议员及工人党,你是颠覆我们新加坡人的价值观!就是你这样的人才是我们所要担心。你要人走出悲情却制造伤害,你要拥抱未来却是踩在人的头上!所以笔者还是劝你你:走出恶言恶语,爬回批斗过去,好好面壁思过吧!!!

*Article first appeared on http://jackccc28.wordpress.com/

 


Letter: Damaged Flat due to Poor Construction, will HDB take Responsibility?

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Bathroom damage

TRS Reader Kel’s bathroom tiles started to crumble this year after living in the HDB flat close to 20 years. His account of the damage to his home:

This afternoon and last Thurs 14 Feb 2013, the bathroom tiles crumbled in such a way which it's hard to describe. I've attached some pictures for reference.

14 Feb 2013 1840hrs: Common bathroom tiles crumbled

23 Feb 2013 1350hrs: Master bedroom bathroom tiles crumbled (more serious this round)

I called to look for HDB Maintenance officer on 20th Feb about 1400hrs, who is in charge of my area (Tampines St 81), Mr. Thiru. He told me that HDB provides maintenance cover for the toilet flooring for 15 years only. He also mentioned that "15 years of cover is a bit too long, and probably should give only 1 year.."

Mr. Ang Kian Kiaw who came on 19th Feb 2013 to do the necessary checks told me that HDB changed their policy 2-3 yrs back but when I enquired through Mr. Thiruchchelvam Senior Technical Officer from Housing Management Group, he told me that the policy changed early last year.. So I'm wondering who has actually given me the correct info?

I'm so afraid that the same thing will happen to the other parts of my flat..
And so, here are some of the questions that came across my mind:

1. Can HDB change the policy as and when they deem fit or favourable? Shouldn’t the changes affect only those flats built and bought after the changes take effect?
After some asking around, I found that some of my mum's friends also had similar cases, but in the end, HDB solved the problem for them (Btw, their flats are also >20 years).

2. What if the master bedroom toilet, which started to fall apart today, had done so sometime in the future? What happens if it caused some potential injury(s)?  Is HDB going to be held responsible?

3. We are buying HDB flats for a lease of 99 years, and maintenence covers us for 15 years (currently), if it's something due to the fundamental structure of the building. Even after engaging an external contractor to do the rectifying work, if it still crumbles, who is to be held responsible?

4. Will they shorten the 15 years again to even lesser, say 5 or 10 years?

5. Is this a problem caused by a lack of quality workmanship on the part of the construction workers and contractors hired?

Kel 

Editor's Note: This letter has already been forwarded to HDB for clarification on what support HDB provides for the flats they sell.

 

Medifund helped over 0.5m patients?

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leong sze hian

I refer to the article “Medifund supported more than half a million needy patients in 2012” (Straits Times, Feb 23).

It states that “Medifund supported more than half a million needy patients who needed financial aid to pay for their medical bills last year – an 8 per cent increase over the previous year.”

 

Medifund applications’ success rate?

In previous years, the statistics would also say what percentage of Medifund applications was successful.

I believe the last reported figure was that about 99 per cent of applications were successful.

However, for this year, I am unable to find any mention of this statistic.

 

Patients’ applications’ success rate?

I believe the “more than half a million needy patients” refers to the successful approval of applications, and not the approval rate of patients who apply.

For example, a patient who has 12 medical treatments in a year may be

counted as 12 approved applications. Whereas, the approval rate in terms

of the number of patients who apply has never been disclosed. It was

reported in 2008, that 301,126 approved applications were made by about

20,000 to 30,000 patients.

In this connection, the number of rejections increased dramatically by

2,900 per cent from 210 to 6,456 in 2006, and then declined dramatically

by 79 per cent from 6,456 to 1,266 in 2007.

What about those who were told that they do not meet the basic criteria,

which is not public information, and may be told that they do not even need to apply?

 

Medifund criteria?

I have tried to ask many medical social workers for the criteria to qualify for Medifund, but have been told that it is confidential.

As I understand it, all family members’ Medisave, as well as the bulk of their savings, must be depleted, before one can qualify for Medifund. What this may mean is that by the time one qualifies for Medifund, the entire family may in essence be left with almost nothing already.

Therefore, I would like to suggest that the Medifund criteria be made public, so that Singaporeans may not have a false sense of complacency, that if they cannot pay for medical costs, they can always rely on Medifund.

For example, some important information that Singaporeans may need to be made aware of, are that as I understand it, about one out of five patients who apply may be rejected, Medifund generally cannot be used for polyclinic out-patient treatment and medicine, patients who are referred by a general practitioner cannot select subsidized Class C and B2 hospital wards and medical treatment and thus may not qualify for Medifund, the maximum Medifund subsidy for B2 is 60 per cent, etc.

 

Medifund limitations?

In 2008, Madam Halimah Yacob,

chairperson of the Government Parliamentary Committee for Health,

expressed some concerns that the conditions for Medifund was too

stringent, some procedures are excluded, and that for some ailments, B2

is the lowest class of ward available which only gives a maximum

Medifund subsidy of 60 per cent.

 

Medifund cannot use for polyclinic?

Medifund also cannot be used for polyclinic out-patient general consultation treatment, such that the medical providers have been raising funds through their own efforts to help such patients who cannot pay.

 

Medifund have surplus?

Despite the above statistics and Medifund use restrictions, I understand that about $86 million of Medifund unultilised (surplus) has been transferred to the protected reserves. (Note: “The protected reserves comprise accumulated unutilised interest monies that were locked-up at the change-over of Government in December 2001, May 2006 and 2011. Authorisation from the President is required before the protected reserves can be used”)

 

Funds not allocated based on patients’ needs?

I am rather puzzled as to why the last reported total assistance given by Medifund-approved institutions (MFIs) to patients formed less than (98%) of the Medifund and Medifund Silver grants disbursed by MOH to MFIs in FY10 – utilisation of allocated funds increased compared to FY09, and any unspent funds will be carried over to assist patients in the next financial year.

As I understand it, MOH allocates a grant to each MFI at the beginning of the year for the whole year, and MFIs have to be prudent in ensuring that the grant is sufficient for the whole year. So, it may not be based on the needs of patients for the year, but rather like how well the MFI is able to keep within the allocation for the whole year. In such a system, is it any wonder that there is always under-ultilised  funds, as no MFI would want to find itself in a situation whereby there may be no money left for needy patients before the year ends?

So, does it mean that total disbursements from Medifund for the year may be more dependent on the interest from the Medifund Endowment Fund, rather than the needs of patients?

 

Endowment transfers means less Budget surplus?

The Medifund and Medifund Silver Endowment funds now stand at $1,973.3 million, with a capital injection of $200 million in the last financial year. In this connection, our Budget surpluses may have been in a sense, under-reported in comparison with other countries, as such transfers are made almost annually to the various endowment funds, like Medifund and the ComCare fund.

 

Leong Sze Hian

*Article first appeared on http://leongszehian.com

 

Why did Li Yeming made a police report against netizens?

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xenophobic

According to a friend who is a psychologist, there are 4 probable reasons. 

1). He wants to play victim to gain public sympathy. He had succeeded because many PAP IB were guarding at the latest post he commented to ward off critics. 

2). It's about 'face'. After being fired on the internet by netizens for his unruly, baseless and arrogant attack on MP Low Thia Khiang, he had no other choice but to resign from SFCCA as Vice-Chairman of the Research and Publication Committee. This resulted in a loss of 'face' for him and 'face' is of utmost importance to PRC nationals.

3). He needs a gracious exit from the mess he had created.

4). By making a police report, he hopes to frighten and deter netizens from criticizing or attacking him further and have the case closed.

He is wasting our taxpayers' monies and the precious time and manpower of the SPF but the police will not take further actions as no threats were made against him. In short, there is 'No Case' for the SPF to investigate or take further actions. 

Only a shameless person will resort to such drastic action of making a police report over rumours against him. We make police reports only when threats are made against us, but not rumours.

Lastly, let's look at the last paragraph of his comments in the newspaper. "If they thought I had scolded a Singaporean MP while making anti-Singapore comments online, I don't blame them for being upset. But we can't let rumours affect our harmony here."

Who will made such a statement like "If they thought I had scolded a Singaporean MP while making anti-Singapore comments online"? 

Yes, only foreigners because if we are Singaporeans, we will say, " If they thought I had scolded their MP". We will not say, "If they thought I had scolded a Singaporean MP". 

This shows how successful the PAP government's integration programme is for someone who had stayed here for 17 years. Are you convinced that his main concern is harmony with us?

Occupy SG

A walk into the recent past

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Geylang Kampong

Throw back to the 40s, 50s, or even early 60s, there were probably a million people here, or lesser in the 40s. Many were stateless, new migrants allowed to work but no citizenship status. They just fended for themselves under the colonial administration that would be very happy as long as there was no problem from the population of migrants. The migrants knew their station in life and kept to themselves, away from the law, and just worked and lived.

The long arm of the law was thin and short. Land was aplenty, state land, neglected land or untended land everywhere, officially owned by the colonial Govt. The migrants came and looked for a place to stay. Many were herded into the cubicles of Chinatown for the Chinese while the Indians would have their own appointed corner in the island. I was at Thian Hock Keng a couple of days ago and could not imagine that some 80 years ago my parents were standing in front of ‘Ma Cho’ praying at the very same spot that I stood before settling down in this island.

They were not so fortunate but braved the uncertainties and unknown, moved to the foothill ofMount Faber where a Malay kampong Radin Mas stood. At the fringes of the kampong they simply erected a hut from whatever wood available and there was instant home. Many migrants did just that, built themselves a home on any vacant land they could find, away from the kampongs or towns. And there were plenty of land all over the island. After sometimes they would become owner or official tenants of their huts. The ‘teh gus’ would come to register their huts and a official address was given, and that was it. It was like finder’s keepers. I think in the early days there was a law that said once a person occupied a land, built his hut, and lived there after some years, then the land became his, or something like that. It was like choped choped, but not with tissue papers.

And this was not too long ago. The early years of colonial Singapore when the island was too large to administer and too few people to fill up the vacant land. Land was not scarce like today. It is all relativism. Try imagine 2030. Everything will be scarce except people in this island.

Article by Chua Chin Leng AKA RedBean on his blog My Singapore News.

 

What a pain – going one big circle to receive a MOE cheque!

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Yesterday, I met a friend who is living in Vikram Nair’s Admiralty ward.  Her child did well in his primary school’s examination and won an Edusave Scholarship from MOE. A MOE scholarship - but required a handshake and photo-taking session with her MP first, before she could proceed to collect the scholarship cheque. 

Instead of MOE mailing the cheque directly to her home, she and her child were made to travel to a school located in an inconvenient area. After checking on a number of maps, making a few telephone calls to friends for direction and changing two bus services, the mother and son had to walk quite a distance under hot sun! Perspiring profusely!

There were many people in the hall, so I was told, waiting to shake the young MP’s hand and pose for the camera. Periodically, some grassroots members would parrot instructions over the microphone on how to view the photographs (on Facebook) which their children would soon be taking with their MP.

According to my friend, the instructions went something along this line, “… logged on to the internet … go to Facebook … type Admiralty CCC (or whatever) … on the facepage, please remember to look for the “like” icon first … it is very important that you must click on the “like” icon before you proceed to look for your child’s photo with the MP ….”

Hey, no wonder, we saw so many “likes” on the ministers’ and grassroots organisations’ facepages!! Didn’t sound to me a healthy way of asking to be liked, wasn’t it?

My friend and her son could not be bothered with the instructions on viewing photographs on the facebook, they merely wanted to collect the cheque and leave quickly. At the point of shaking hand with the MP, the child was given a certificate cylinder holder (which contained nothing in it) to hold. After the photo-taking and returning the empty cylinder holder, she and her child were guided to another floor where a separate group of staff would give them the MOE cheque and scholarship certificate. (Hence, you could not just come, collect the cheque and certificate, and refuse to go for the handshaking cum photo-taking session with your MP).

As one can see, the handshaking and photo-taking session with the MP was so unnecessary or irrelevant.

Prior to attending the ceremony, my friend actually telephoned the grassroots office to inquire whether it was possible that she and her child chose not to attend as they were busy. The grassroots staff was quick to offer a number of alternative dates. My friend asked, what if she and her son could not attend on either of all the dates, the staff replied in that case her son’s cheque would be returned to MOE and what happened thereafter, he said “I cannot guarantee because I do not know.”

I told my friend, she should have checked with MOE because the grassroots would tend to say something in such a way to “force” her going there. My gut feel was MOE would mail the cheque to her home if her son’s cheque was ultimately not collected.

Why did a simple issue of cheque collection had to be politicsed to such extent, with the procedure made to take one big circle, causing so much inconvenience and used up so much resource! This is madness!

Celia Lim

 

Gilbert Goh: Transitioning From Singaporean to Aussie?

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Siew's response to a stereotypical article written by Gilbert last week

 

Article shared by TRS reader Melanie Tan

Gilbert Goh is an interesting fella that not many people know about. He is the sort of character that is easily forgettable. One that operates as a champion of underdog causes. Someone that strangely appears on your facebook feed from time to time, and leaves you wondering, “where have I seen this name before”.

Sometime in Apr 2012, Gilbert Goh called for a nationwide boycott in May 2012 against companies that hire “more than 10 people and 80% of them must be foreigners – even though they are permanent residents”.  Back then, Yahoo Singapore Newsroom promoted Gilbert’s call to boycott which targeted chain establishments such as Breadtalk, Mcdonalds, Crystal Jade…etc. After protests from these businesses, Yahoo Singapore was quick to clarify that:

“We’ve reached out to the companies named here and also to the Ministry of Manpower, and we understand that these establishments are compliant with the 50% dependency ratio requirement that is in place, and this in turn will also be cut to 45% in due course. It is possible that the foreign workers Mr Gilbert Goh could have seen previously at these outlets were PRs, who are not counted as foreigners, which could explain his sentiment.

There was however no apology by Gilbert for his damning and unfounded insinuations. Rather, a defiant Gilbert clarified that “many critics have also slammed me for being xenophobic but if being patriotic make me looks like one then I have no choice here.”.

Patriotism is indeed a fine personal trait (but reckless patriotism blinded by one’s prejudices, is ‘xenophobia’, no questions about that).

Which is ironic, considering that Gilbert Goh himself spent a few years in Australia, Sydney, and from what I read online, a place where his wife and child currently reside (Oh no, the Australians have no issues with Asians and embrace their presence wholeheartly, not!).

“While living in Australia, there is this free spirit that inhibits most of us staying there and I thoroughly enjoy thecosmopolitan culture and care free attitude.” – Gilbert Goh

Convenient to enjoy the ‘cosmopolitan culture’ when you are part of the reason for that cultural mix. Back in Singapore, diversity to Gilbert is four-letter word and the result of a three-letter political party acronym.

But I hear from the grapevine that he spent CNY dinner alone. With the current state of his marriage (shhhhhh, sensitive topic), it is apt that he facilitates a Singapore Support Site for the Divorced (but I hardly think “steadymarriages” is an appropriate name for the group).

The most aptly named group that Gilbert Goh heads is of course Transitioning.org. This is the group that is organizing the Speakers’ Corner event “so Singaporeans just come out and unite together to save ourselves! Say NO to 6.9 million population!” (an event i am sure has created a little stir in the pants of the MIW).

Gilbert Goh is indeed transitioning (but not in the Pinkdot/377A way). Defender of the unemployed, the cyber-bullied and the divorcees of the Singapore. A politician, a philanthropist, and a patriot? He sure transitions alright. … Next stop, Australian PR?

 

UnbrandedBreadnButter

*Article first appeared on http://unbrandedbreadnbutter.com/2013/02/10/gilbert-goh-transitioning-fr...

 

Another TRS reader who wishes to remain anonymous also said:

I had been seeing this name on FB frequently and found out that he was the chief organizer for the protest in Hong Lim Park against the 6.9 millions White paper. I google him and if his full name is Goh Keow Wah, then he is one confusing prick. No wonder he has to crawl back to Singapore after trying to abandon Singapore for Australia. He is actually very pro-foreigner and openly wanted us to welcome the cheebye FTs and treat them well. So why is he so anti-foreigner now? He just want to be popular?

He left Singapore for Australia, couldn't survive there and even wrote about his failure in the papers.

 

 

Encourage foreign talent to stay
Tue, Nov 10, 2009
my paper

I REFER to Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong's recent speech, in which he spoke about managing the inflow of foreign talent in Singapore to ensure Singaporeans benefit from their presence.

Other countries in the world are trying to attract talent.

Hence, if Singapore is not aggressive in trying to woo talented migrants, it will face a serious brain drain.

After all, many Singaporeans have left the country for seemingly greener pastures.

Yet, for a small country like Singapore, there is a limit on the number of immigrants it can receive before overcrowding becomes a pressing issue. Overcrowding not only stresses the population, but also lowers the quality of life.

Job competition in a small economy is also challenging.

Compared to the situation five years ago, Singapore has become a more stressful society, due to serious overcrowding and the struggle to make ends meet.

Also, rising prices in the Housing Board resale market may be because of permanent residents chasing after resale flats.

Despite this, there is a role for foreigners here. I agree with SM Goh that foreigners working here should contribute to Singapore, in terms of skills and talent.

There will be those who will come to our country to earn as much as they can before returning home to enjoy their wealth.

It would be ideal if these foreigners remain in Singapore and become citizens here, so that they have a stake in the success of our country as well.

As Singapore continues to bring in more foreigners, let us try to welcome them. Doing otherwise will only make them temporary stayers.

More can be done to ensure that foreign talent remain in our country.

Those who come and go will not really help propel Singapore in the long term.

Mr Gilbert Goh Keow Wah
Sydney, Australia

 

''S’pore not that pricey''

myepaper.mypaper.sg

28.07.2008

MY FAMILY recentlymoved to Sydney, Australia, and we are still trying to come to terms with the high cost of living here.
The prices of most staples, such as bread and rice, are double those in Singapore.
To give you an idea of how expensive the Australian city is, here are more examples of the prices of some common items and services.

A five-minute bus trip costs A$1.80 (S$2.30) and a one-station train journey sets one back by A$2.60 – one way. A 10-minute taxi ride can be as
costly as A$8. The cheapest newspaper costs A$1, while a movie ticket is about A$12. A simple meal of noodles can cost as much as A$6.50.
As for homes, a two-bedroom apartment in the suburb costs about A$350 a week to rent, and that does not include any furnishings. To live within
5km of the city, one must be prepared to fork out at least A$600 a week.

If one wants to own a home here, it costs about A$400,000, with a mortgage repayment interest rate of 9.25 per cent per annum.
So far, I have not come across any government housing. Due to the high cost of dining out, my family eats out only once or twice a week. Eating out
at a food court, for example, costs about A$30 to A$40 for a family of three.

On the plus side, however, we have more family time together, as we cook at home and brainstorm ideas to make homecooked meals delicious.
Moving to Australia has made me realise something: We should not grumble too much about the cost of living in Singapore.

Many cities in the world have high costs of living, but in Singapore we have world-class infrastructure and facilities at relatively reasonable prices. It is no
wonder that many foreigners want to settle in Singapore.

Mr Gilbert Goh Keow Wah
Sydney, Australia

 

About racial harmony, respect and tolerance

Date : 30 July 2008

TODAY - Treat foreigners the way you want to be treated?

30 July 2008

Letter from Gilbert Goh Keow Wah,
Sydney, New South Wales

WHENEVER I read about the challenges facing permanent residents and work permit holders in Singapore, I have mixed feelings, for I am a Singaporean who has just left the country to live and work in Sydney. So far, in Australia, I have yet to face any of the discrimination of which I have been warned. But, I feel how foreigners in Singapore may feel and hope that the locals will welcome me, and not see me as a threat to their livelihood.

In Sydney, I have seen a medium-sized company of about 100 employees boasting people of 10 different nationalities.

Such a diverse workforce not only allows creativity to take place but also creates respect and tolerance for one another’s culture and religion.

There are two distinct nationalities settling down in Singapore: the Chinese and the Indians. They have formed almost 75 per cent of all our foreign talent for the past five years.

Many are competent professionals who are deserving of their residency in Singapore, but their cultural habits and working attitude are not much different from the local Chinese and Indian workforce. There is not much diversity they can bring to the workforce. In order to boast a strong cosmopolitan work force, our Government needs to cast the talent hunt search wider, from Europe, Africa, the United States and so on.

But, no matter where they originally come from, Singaporeans must welcome such foreign talents, which is what good global citizens should do. At the very least, we must not give them a hard time. For, one day, you may end up working and living abroad. Just like me.

(With thanks to TODAYonline.com)

 

Warren Fernandex lecturing to us about justice and equality?

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Here we go again.

Warren Fernandez, the Josef Goebbels of Singapore, has written yet another piece of rambling propaganda dressed up as impartial advice on Singapore's future.

The repetitive dross would have largely gone unnoticed if not for this little para in which he trudged the ideals of equality and justice to be upheld.

Since when have the Straits Times and Warren Fernandez been interested in these values? 

A paper that has been doing the bidding of the PAP against its critics who are fellow Singaporeans is talking about fairness and justice?

It has been more than a month since the Straits Times last violated the Parliamentary Elections Act by conducting and publishing a poll during the Punggol East By Election and no action has been taken by the Police.

In contrast, the Police was quick to detain filmmaker Lynn Ng for making a documentary on the alleged intimidation of the four Chinese drivers.

They were quick to arrest Joseph Ong in 2011 for allegedly conducting an exit poll during the GE.

Where is justice if justice is not applied equally to all?

If hypocrisy has a face, we are all staring at it now.

 

Boycott Straits Times & Zaobao


MINDEF reviewing ways to better recognise contributions of NSmen

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The Ministry of Defence (MINDEF) would like to thank all who have written letters over the past few days to share their thoughts on National Service (NS) and how the contributions of NSmen could be better recognised.

We are heartened by the strong support that Singaporeans continue to show for National Service. The peace and prosperity that we enjoy today is only possible because of the contributions of current and past NSmen who undertake this responsibility of defending Singapore.

Over the years, we have sought to show appreciation to NSmen in different ways, such as the recent National Service 45 (NS45) SAFRA Benefits, the National Service Recognition Award (NSRA), the NSman Tax Relief, the National Service Bonus, and additional allotments of the GST Offset Credit and Growth Dividends.

We have also built facilities such as SAFRA clubhouses and the National Service Resort and Country Club for NSmen and their families.

These are gestures of appreciation, but the contributions of NSmen can never be sufficiently measured in monetary terms, as several of you have shared in your letters.

MINDEF is currently reviewing how the contributions of our NSmen can be better recognised.

We are encouraged by the many writers who have taken time and effort to contribute their ideas and welcome additional suggestions.

Members of the public may write to MINDEF athttp://www.mindef.gov.sg/imindef/header/feedback.html or contact@ns.sg.

The road to higher quality of life and a stronger nation...

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The Worker's Party released its Population Blue Paper yesterday proposing an alternative approach to PAP\s Population White Paper. Based on the WP's approach our population size will be in the region of 5.9M in 2030 from today's 5.3M.  You can read the Blue Paper here.

Parts of the proposal was attack by PAP ministers during the parliament debate:

"The Workers Party's proposal to stop taking in additional foreign workers until 2020 is drastic and very risky, Second Minister for Trade and Industry S. Iswaran told Parliament on Thursday. It will speed up business closures and cause Singaporeans to lose their jobs. The economy could spiral downward, and result in a loss of the country's reputation in the business and investor community."

-  BT Report on the Parliament Debate [Link

The argument that a freeze in the influx of foreigners will cause business closures is absurd. When businesses cannot get new workers easily, they may not be able to expand as quickly as before but why would they close existing business that is profitable and has already workers. By allowing easy access to foreign workers in the past, we saw the economy over-heating during periods of expansion. Rentals and other business costs shoots up and wages come under pressure and businesses demand even more cheaper foreign labor to stay profitable. Singaporeans have seen all the deleterious effects of cost of living shooting up and wages falling behind - for this reason, Singaporeans find strong economic growth painful rather than beneficial.

As for the "loss of the country;s reputation",  I think you should ask what we have promised businesses coming here. Right up to the late 80s early 1990s, Singapore attracted foreign investments because Singaporeans were the number 1 workforce in the world i.e. they came here primarily to hire Singaporeans.  The world changed when China was plugged into the world trade in the late 90s.  At that time, there were choices to be made on how to restructure the economy, how to be less dependent on FDI and  we will compete in the world. We are here today because the PAP chose to open the floodgates to foreign labor to keep the FDI coming. None of our competitors took the same path, at least not in the same extreme way it was done by the PAP - these along with financial sector deregulation are simple brute force approaches that our competitors chose not to adopt due to foreseeable problems for its citizens in the longer term.  When Minister S. Iswaran spoke about the "loss of  the country's reputation", it is our reputation to allow businesses to easily hire  workers from anywhere they want, retrench them easily, minimal regulation to protect workers' rights, pro-business govt controlled unions and extremely business friendly policies. All this builds up in cycle of rising dependence on FDI and foreign workers. The question for Singaporeans is whether we want to go further down this path and worsen the problems of income inequality, declining quality of life, structural unemployment, stagnant wages and poverty.

"The bottom line is that Singapore can survive economically, even prosper, without further large increases in foreign labour and immigration. A reduction in both will also deliver compensating benefits, such as lower housing costs, higher domestic consumption, lower income inequality and a less congested, more environmentally friendly city whose residents may even be willing to have more children."

 - Professor Linda Lim,  the Stephen M. Ross School of Business at the University of Michigan in the United States [Article Below]

The Worker's Party Blue Paper was quickly attacked by the business lobby.

"With no growth in foreign workers, the impact on the economy andSingapore's competitiveness would be disastrous. The livelihood andwell-being of Singaporeans will be compromised,"

- SBF [Link]

None of our economic competitors compete with us by importing foreign labor on such a massive scale so why do we have to resort to such extreme policies for so long? The demand by businesses for foreign workers is unquenchable. When a business becomes more competitive by hiring foreigners, its competitors have to do the same in order to compete. As more foreigners come, the pressure on our infrastructure will increase and we need more foreign workers to come to build the new infrastructure. Unless there is a freeze or severe reduction, the cycle can never be broken and the dependence of our economy on foreigners will keep growing to a point we will not have any control. As for the point that well being of Singaporeans will be compromised,  let me asked what happened to the well being of Singaporeans in the last 10 years?  If the well-being of Singaporeans has not been hurt, you think you can get thousands of Singaporeans to stand in the rain demanding change from the govt on 16 Feb 2013 at Hong Lim Park. Doubling of the cost of housing, stagnant wages caused by the foreign influx does not hurt the well-being of Singaporeans?  The SBF is so obsessed with protecting interest of its members, it has become blind to the plight of Singaporeans.Throughout the last 10 years, the SBF was perfectly alright with Singaporean workers’ well being compromised so long as .its members benefited from govt policy ..for them to say they are worried about us when their real intention is to protect the short term interest of its members is pure hypocrisy.

There is constant rhetoric from the PAP that the WP's proposal to freeze the number of foreign will stall the badly needed build up of housing and transport infrastructure.  If you read the WP's Blue Paper, it proposes not just a simple freeze in the foreign labor force, but a reallocation to sectors that need them the most such as construction from sectors where jobs are taken away from Singaporeans - this will reduce the stress on our infrastructure faster than adding 90K more each year to our population as proposed in the White Paper. If you analyse what the PAP has done last year, the measures including raising the levies of Work Permit holders for lower-skilled workers and raising the salary criteria for Employment Pass actually tightened the influx of low skilled workers to construction jobs that Singaporeans don't take and kept the influx of foreign PMETs  that compete for the same jobs as Singaporeans.

We know that alternative approaches exist and can work because many countries have found alternative approaches that work - these include big and small countries with low fertility (almost all developed countries have this problem) in Asia and Europe, with or without natural resources, all competing in the same global market place as Singapore. The PAP approach cannot work for the simple reason that the majority of Singaporeans understand clearly the deleterious outcomes and will stop it in 2016 or earlier before we get to 2030.

"Of course we do acknowledge that the businesses do need to adjust and as in any economic restructuring there will be certain pains and there will be certain businesses that can restructure to meet this new environment. There will be certain businesses that are very dependent on cheap foreign manpower and they cannot survive.

"I think this is an adjustment that Singapore will sooner or later go through and we are asking for an alternative - to look at the scenario, what happens under this proposal, what is the eventual population target and then we have to look at what we have to do to help these companies make that bridge if we believe that it is important for us to have a sustainable Singapore. Then we will all have to work together to look at how to help the companies, who can adapt to this environment over a period of time. It can also be through policies, it may not be only through manpower numbers, because there are a lot of things hurting companies.

- Non-Constituency Member of Parliament, Yee Jenn Jong

The real choices are for us to make the change now or to go down the further on the trajectory proposed by the White Paper which will result in  even more disruptive changes when the dependency on foreigner workers increases further and ordinary Singaporeans force a change through the ballot box because they can no longer accept the outcomes.  Singaporeans have no illusions that changes now will come without pain to anyone but its is better to do it now than to pay a bigger price latter on. The PAP can continue to sell its White Paper, day in, day out on the papers and TV media that it controls ...it can keep telling us the virtues of its approach to our problems. But all the talk and all the propaganda cannot overcome what ordinary Singaporeans know from what they actually experience in their lives...that is the ultimate truth for Singaporeans .

 

Article: Can slower growth lead to a stronger nation?

Feb 22, 2013

PERSPECTIVE ON POPULATION DEBATE

Reducing Singapore's dependence on foreigners won't affect living standards if productivity and wages rise.

By Linda Lim For The Straits Times

 

THE current debate about Singapore's population policy seems to assume that fewer foreign workers and lower immigration levels will hurt economic growth and businesses - and thus Singaporeans as well.

Other affluent economies with low fertility, ageing demographics and small populations have managed to achieve continued if modest improvements in living standards without importing large numbers of foreign labour and talent. There is no reason why Singapore cannot do the same, by borrowing from technological and business process innovations that are already implemented elsewhere.

Higher productivity (more output per worker) can substitute for more workers in achieving a particular gross domestic product growth rate.

Lower aggregate growth is not just inevitable for a mature economy, given diminishing marginal returns to added inputs of labour and capital. It may also be desirable, when real income (discounting for inflation) and total well-being (reduced congestion, environmental degradation, income inequality, social unease) are considered.

 

Locals fuel the economy

ECONOMICALLY sustainable activities that may generate lower growth but employ a higher ratio of Singaporeans will also contribute to higher wage and domestic shares of GDP (Singapore's are currently among the lowest in the world). Simply put, a higher proportion of a given dollar of GDP will accrue to Singaporeans, so local living standards can be maintained or increased with slower growth.

Policy instruments to achieve this could include: investment incentives tied to the hiring and training of Singaporeans, and awarding work permits and employment passes only after a process ascertaining that there are no qualified Singaporeans for the jobs (standard practice in the United States).

Higher wages would encourage employers to improve productivity and attract more Singaporeans into particular jobs, giving both an incentive to invest in upgraded skills (since there will be a higher income payoff).

Businesses that cannot afford the higher wages would exit, releasing workers for those businesses that remain. A reduction in demand would alleviate any labour shortage. Fewer foreign workers would also ease pressures on the housing market and on commercial rents, so businesses may benefit from lower or more slowly rising rents even as they pay out higher wages.

Reduced foreign capital inflows to purchase property, and other investments, would mitigate asset inflation and Singdollar appreciation, thus helping to maintain cost competitiveness.

Higher wages with higher productivity together with moderating rents do not necessarily mean higher costs. But if they do, these are costs Singapore's consumers will have to pay. As consumers are also workers, their real incomes may increase with higher salaries, lower rents and mortgage payments. If those enjoying higher wages are Singaporeans (rather than foreigners with higher savings rates and remittance outflows), the multiplier impact of their local spending will be greater - their higher costs are other Singaporeans' higher income, most of which is spent in Singapore.

 

Better productivity, different mindsets

MANY high-income economies have trodden this path of increasing productivity before Singapore.

However, emulating their market-derived solutions requires mindset and values shifts among Singaporeans. Consider three sectors in Singapore that are labour-intensive, and usually considered low-wage, low-skilled and low-productivity jobs that "Singaporeans don't want to do".

First, the construction industry: in no other high-income country is this associated almost exclusively with foreign labour from neighbouring countries.

In the US, this is a high-wage, high-skill, capital-intensive industry employing mostly unionised native workers, with high safety standards, sophisticated equipment and processes. Construction workers earn at least twice the median national wage in the US state I live in; their hourly wage is probably three times higher.

Some Singaporeans would be willing to work in this sector if adequately compensated, while construction firms would employ them at high wages if productivity was sufficiently high.

Second is the food and beverage (F&B) industry. In even high-immigrant big cities and on the coasts of the US, most restaurant workers are Americans. They include students or mature individuals (mothers, retirees) working part-time for extra income or social interaction, as well as seasoned professionals for whom this is a full-time, long-term career. Skills in conversing, understanding customers, knowledge of the menu and wine list are required and rewarded, with tips that average 20 per cent of the bill and can be much higher. There is a strong monetary incentive to develop skills and even a personal brand, and aspiring job candidates often queue up for months and even bid (pay) for the privilege of waiting tables at expensive restaurants. In the kitchen, much food preparation has been automated and outsourced to specialist food services such as Sysco.

In Singapore, the use of temporary foreign workers and the standardised service charge has kept wages and upward mobility low, thus discouraging the participation of Singaporeans in this sector

Third is the domestic service industry of household help, care for children, the elderly and disabled.

This is a heterogeneous sector, but nowhere in the rich world is the dominant mode of operation that of the individual maid bound to a single individual or household. Rather, professional services of house maintenance, cleaning, food preparation and delivery, child and elder care and transport are the norm, compensated at hourly rates many times the minimum wage. Many self-employed workers in this sector simultaneously serve multiple clients, some for many years at a stretch or to work part-time, while private enterprises employing such workers provide a range of customised services.

Many offering child and elder-care services are personally dedicated to helping others, or are training for careers in teaching or nursing. Foreign workers in both this sector and F&B are usually new long-term immigrants, not temporary guest workers, so integration into the majority society is only a matter of time.

 

Improving wages, status

IN ALL three sectors, much higher wages would both attract more workers and encourage investments in higher productivity methods.

But there is also a mindset shift required, which is the social status and value collectively ascribed to such occupations.

In the US, social barriers are highly permeable and there is respect for hard work, enterprise and professionalism even in "blue collar" or manual service occupations, helped by the fact that they may pay better than many "white collar" jobs.

A social egalitarian ethic in Europe, and national group solidarity in Japan, both regions with limited income inequality, fulfil the same role. More money alone cannot compensate for lack of respect, which in Singapore is inordinately directed by and towards those with academically based credentials and professional achievement.

This analysis could be extended to many other occupations, such as highly compensated "skilled trades", and personal services (such as the beauty and wellness industry), which are particularly attractive to self-employed entrepreneurs.

Many solutions are possible but businesses will be motivated to innovate only if the easy alternative of importing low-skilled, low-wage foreign labour is restricted. Innovations could be accelerated by temporary public subsidies that would not cost more than the investments in the housing and transport infrastructure required to accommodate a larger population.

 

Slower growth, stronger nation

THE situation at the higher end of the labour market is more complex, given the global or regional role many companies fulfil from their Singapore base and the geographically mobile talent that they may require.

Employment passes should be flexibly awarded according to the need and value to the nation of a particular company. Businesses should professionalise human resource practices to maximise recruitment of Singaporeans, for example through school or university partnerships and campus recruitment efforts.

The bottom line is that Singapore can survive economically, even prosper, without further large increases in foreign labour and immigration. A reduction in both will also deliver compensating benefits, such as lower housing costs, higher domestic consumption, lower income inequality and a less congested, more environmentally friendly city whose residents may even be willing to have more children.

Businesses and people can adjust to slower labour growth as they do in other countries. The nation - which is more than its GDP - will be the stronger for it.

The writer, a Singaporean, is professor of strategy at the Stephen M. Ross School of Business at the University of Michigan in the United States.

 

Article by Lucky Tan on his blog Diary of a Singaporean Mind

 

WHITE AND BLUE: A TALE OF TWO PAPERS

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Population papers

DEVADAS KRISHNADAS:

In my previous posting entitled, “Seeing the Invisible Gorillas” on Institute of Policy Studies’ IPSCommons.sg, I critiqued the content and process of the Government’s White Paper on population. The Worker’s Party (WP) has now released its own paper on population. The WP should be commended for its efforts in putting to paper its thinking on this important issue.

There are four points about the WP’s so called ‘Blue Paper’ that stand out for me.

Growing Political Sophistication

The first concerns the timing of its release. Budget Day is on Monday, Feb 25. The WP releases its paper on Saturday, Feb 23, so the Sunday papers are filled with reports of the Blue Paper.

This is an obvious attempt to seize the initiative from the PAP by keeping the population issue front and centre and potentially force a reaction through the Budget statement. This shows the continuing sophistication of the WP’s political tactics. Even the titling of the paper as a ‘Blue paper’ reveals a deft hand at cheeky populist humour.

Electoral and parliamentary politics are becoming more interesting and for the incumbent more eventful. The PAP had been used to setting the agenda and terms of political engagement. It now faces an opposition that is attempting to seize the political initiative and beginning to show it is able to organise policy responses.

More significantly, the WP, through its grassroots political profiling and in the ideas contained in its population paper, is clearly attempting to characterise itself as the party of the man in the street and the advocate of concrete, tangible measures. By implication, this casts the PAP as the party of the elite and the champion of the abstract.

Furthermore, the PAP is widely regarded as having poorly managed the roll out of the White Paper. It adopted its familiar “Father Knows Best” approach in communicating its plan, informed though that was by the best of intentions and richly textured as it was with carefully considered policy proposals painstakingly interconnected to ensure coherency. In other words, from a planning perspective, the PAP was trying to get right all the things it did not do well in the past decade.

In the midst of the heat of the ensuing debate, however, it has largely gone unnoticed that though the PAP knew the White Paper would be controversial, it nevertheless persisted in putting it forward for open debate. This is by any measure a remarkable act. The Prime Minister deserves credit for his political courage in acting thus – and what’s more, setting a precedent for the government to be more ex ante in being accountable for its policy intentions. The indifferent quality of the process of communicating the White Paper should not subtract from the quality of the Government’s noble intent in presenting it for debate.

A Case for Better Case Making

The second point is that the WP population paper, despite its repeated protestations that its proposals are different from the PAP White Paper, is actually a cupboard empty of original ideas. All its policy recommendations are borrowed ideas from existing or proposed policies of the PAP. Boosting the Total Fertility Rate (TFR), raising the Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) of women and keeping the elderly employed and active are policies that have been in place for several years.

Instead of original ideas, the WP population paper makes it principal stand on the argument that it differs from the PAP plan in emphasising the boosting of TFR and LFPR in lieu of increasing the intake of foreign labour supply.

However, even should we be able to reverse our declining TFR immediately, the effect of that on the labour force would take a generation to materialise. Furthermore, there is only marginal headroom for LFPR growth because we have been making progress in this direction over the past decade: indeed the labour force participation of our elderly males is the third highest in the world, just after Japan and South Korea. The paper takes the simplistic view that imposing a freeze on foreign labour supply will not damage the economy. This is not only wishful thinking it is a sign of the absence of informed thinking.

Conversely, the White Paper could be accused as suffering from an abundance of thinking. Readers of ‘Seeing the Invisible Gorillas’ would know that there are many aspects of the White Paper with which I take issue. However, what I would not deny is that the Paper also reveals what the government is capable of in the face of policy complexity and uncertainty. It has the capacity and the ability to generate ideas, coordinate them and organise the financing to put them into action.

The White Paper has a wide spectrum of policies. The articulation of all of that was compressed in an attempt to make the Paper more consumable. To compound the error, there was little time allocated to fully flesh out its thinking and clarify its intent. It strived for ‘simplicity’ and ironically achieved its goal in a perverse way – the public became captivated by the number ‘6.9’. Classifying nurses as low-skilled and treating the passage of the plan as a technical exercise rather than a political experience did not help either. Good policy ideas are not enough anymore; they need to be channelled through good political arguments.

The Pulpit of Populism

This brings me to the third point. The WP’s paper is riddled with populist slogans and proposals that I am sure no Singaporean would dispute as being good and worthy. Flexi-work, work-life balance, environmental preservation and lower density – these are all admirable ideas. But how do we realise them? That is left unexplored by the paper.

More so, there is lack of reality in terms of managing the trade-offs that inevitably accompany policy decisions at the margin. That is really where we are, at the margin: ageing rapidly, running out of horizontal space and pedalling furiously to stay competitive.

The WP paper instead asks us to believe in a dream-land where making hard choices is unnecessary and the options before us are self-evident or self-fulfilling. They are neither. While I think it is admirable that the party has put in the effort to put out its own population paper, I am disappointed to find that its narrative is in effect a series of kitsch slogans hung on a line of wishful thinking. I am all for the romantic visioning but I also want to see decidedly unromantic policy prescriptions to realise that vision.

In an ironic comparison, the PAP White Paper could have benefited from fewer calculations and more argument about what it was trying to do and more importantly why. It should have also adopted a more modest tone, recognising the truism that nothing is certain and that old ideas revitalised remain old ideas.

Our future challenges are so profound and wide-ranging that a more inclusive and protracted process would have salvaged, politically, the many good things the White Paper contained and given a chance for the not so good things to be washed out and substituted by better thinking. Now, though the House has passed an amended motion on the White Paper, the Paper does not have on the street the credibility expected of a document of its weight and import. This will lead to more friction as the Government implements some of its policies. How Parliament manages that friction will define the politics, of at least, its current term.

Trust the People

I come now to my final point. If one had to describe the WP today one could say that it is strong on politics and weak on policies. In comparison, the PAP is weak on politics and strong on policies. But we are no longer in an either/or world. The public demands and deserves a high standard in both politics and policies.

By politics I mean the ability to hear the people, and communicate with them in a way that respects the political reality that government serves the citizen and not the other way round. Both the PAP and the WP are in different ways treating the public as children. The PAP’s ‘’Father Knows Best” approach leads to petulance and makes the people irate. The WP’s populism is equivalent to giving candy to a child, resulting in a temporary sugar-rush of fervour and righteous chest-beating. Neither approach is helpful.

It is time to recognise that the real and only source of political legitimacy is the people. If we treat people as children, we lower the level of debate. If we treat people as adults, we raise the bar of debate and challenge people to get educated about the issues, recognise that every choice has trade-offs and learn to seek, however uncomfortably, common ground over the temporary delights of division.

Political actors must learn to trust the people. All parties should understand this: That Singaporeans can be trusted to think and to act; they can be trusted to see through poorly made arguments no matter how populist the sloganeering; trusted to know that the future is uncertain but what matters is that Singaporeans are confident about who they want to be; trusted to know that while we can and should have a vigorous contest of ideas, we cannot and should not have a contest of peoples.

To thrive we will need many ideas. But to survive, we can afford only to be one united people.

Devadas Krishnadas is a Director of Future-Moves, a foresight consultancy. He has been a frequent commentator on social and policy issues in Singapore.

Article first appeared on http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=148975751929511&set=a.14897461859...

Did Li Yeming attend Chinese Embassy function in his personal capacity too?

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Li Yeming celebrating China’s celebration at Chinese Embassy‘.

Mr Li Yeming said that his criticism of Mr Low Thia Khiang was his personal opinion, not that of the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA).

I do not know whether his attendance at the Chinese Embassy was also in his personal capacity in forging camaraderie with the Chinese officials or as a representative of SFCCA to show the Federation’s goodwill.

I accept that his criticism of Mr Low Thia Khiang was his personal view. I have nothing personal against him although I feel strongly that his criticism was very misguided and that his police report unfortunately draws further negative opinion to himself.

Still, since he is a Singapore citizen, I am curious to know whether his ability to maintain a cordial rapport with the Chinese Embassy officials is a personal asset as an “ambassador” of Singapore for our good relation with China or was an asset to the SFCCA in some way. If the latter, then it must be regrettable that he was so quick to tender his resignation from the SFCCA as its vice-chairman of research and publications committee.

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Jo Li

 

Book: Authoritarian Rule of Law, by Jothie Rajah

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Article by Alex Au Waipang

If you have time for just one chapter, read Chapter 3 on the Vandalism Act. You will not see Singapore law the same way again.

Most of us are happy that Singapore is a relatively graffiti-free city, but as law academic Jothie Rajah demonstrates through her unearthing of the parliamentary speeches surrounding the bill in 1966, the intention of this law was completely different. It was a bulldozer of a law designed to destroy an opposition party.  Through this law, ‘vandalism’ was made a cipher for opposition politics (page 74) and the aim of the law was to extinguish the Barisan Sosialis’ messaging to the people. Caning was its chief instrument.

The mid 1960s was a period in which Lee Kuan Yew and the People’s  Action Party’s hold on power was tenuous. After ramming through merger with Malaysia, the project fell apart within two years, proving Lee disastrously wrong in his political ideas. The PAP felt itself particularly vulnerable in 1966 when it offered Singapore as an R&R (rest and recreation) base for American soldiers fighting in the Vietnam War. It made Singapore into an American lackey, and reinforced the Barisan Sosialis’ anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist credentials when the party opposed American involvement in that war. But the Barisan Sosialis was already half-crippled from having its leaders detained without trial under the Internal Security Act (Operation Cold Store 1963). Nonetheless, its remaining activists tried their best to communicate with the public and the chief means of doing so was through putting up posters at many locations. Slogans such as “Yankees go home” were painted too.

The existing Minor Offences Act already made vandalism a crime, punishable with a $50 fine and/or a week in jail. But this was not considered sufficient when the objective became one of political extermination. So a new law was introduced raising the fine to $2,000 with a maximum of three years in jail. It was also made into a non-bailable offence — which is quite incredible for such a minor, non-violent offence — presumably to stop accused persons from putting up more posters while out on bail. More crucially, it made caning (minimum three strokes, maximum eight) mandatory. As Rajah notes, this breached two fundamental principles of law: the penalty is now disproportionate to the gravity of the offence; and sanguinary punishment (caning) is being used for a property offence.

I myself can see in it limned a third violation of principle — the way discretion was taken away from the courts when caning was made mandatory. This seems to me to be an early example of how courts could not be trusted to act in ways the PAP wanted, and which would progress to the ousting of judicial review altogether in the book’s later examples.

She writes:

The ‘rule of law’ principle that punishment should be proportionate, and not cruel and degrading, was violated by the Vandalism Act’s history of being, in part, enacted to ‘humiliate’ those who dare paint slogans challenging the government.

– Jothie Rajah, Authoritarian Rule of Law, Cambridge University Press 2012, page 98.

Through this case study of the Vandalism Act, Rajah introduces her readers to the key thrust of her research and book: how ‘law’ itself has been used to eviscerate the rule of law in Singapore.

Rule of law deformed into rule by law

The rule of law is a concept in which the state itself must be subordinate to law; it cannot act arbitrarily and coercively against the rights of citizens. To have any meaning,

[a] liberal concept of citizenship and the capacity for civil society to counter the state are major constituents of political liberalism, a mode of ‘politics’ which, in turn, informs the ‘rule of law’.

– ibid, page 161.

Her book thus aims to

[trace] the Singapore state’s reconfiguration of the profoundly liberal concept of ‘rule of law’ into an illiberal ‘rule by law’  through the state’s manipulation of legislation and public discourse.

– ibid, page 267.

and focusses on

state measures to silence actors who seek the scrutiny and containment of state power.

– ibid, page 46.

The example of the Vandalism Act also illustrates how the PAP government tries to maintain the fiction that there is rule of law in Singapore. The Act was passed by going through the formal motions of Westminster parliamentary democracy, but parliament at that time consisted only of PAP members. Several Barisan Sosialis MPs were detained under the Internal Security Act and the rest were boycotting parliament in protest. Furthermore, the alarmist, ideological assertions of the PAP as to the seriousness of vandalism, e.g. how such behaviour would frighten away investors and destroy any chance of prosperity, not only dominated the discursive space but were swallowed wholesale by the courts. In the case of fifteen-year-old (yes!  fifteen) Ang Chin Sang, sentenced to three months’ imprisonment and three strokes of the cane, Rajah writes:

The Chief Justice, hearing the appeal in 1967, months after Prime Minister Lee had, from Parliament, instructed the judiciary to “apply the letter of the law in such a spirit that society is able to protect itself”, is completely compliant to the state’s account of what amounts to ‘vandalism’ and becomes the tool of the state’s precept that severe punishment is the necessary response to this especially “serious”  offence.

– ibid, page 88.

The failure of courts to interrogate the use of law in such ways only allows the PAP government to get away with claiming that the rule of law exists. Rajah argues that Singapore “performs” the rule of law through judicial processes and parliamentary procedures, including Select Committee hearings that bear no relation to the purpose of such committees (which is to hear from voices outside parliament various views before passing legislation), but whose transcripts and reports reveal them to be inquisitions designed to demolish political opponents. For the latter, the book contains a vivid description, with many ad verbatim quotes, of what happened in 1986 when the Law Society, led by then-president Francis Seow, tried to speak up against an expansion of press controls.

Four and a half examples

The ‘meat’ in the book is a detailed study revolving around four key pieces of legislation: the Vandalism Act 1966, the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act 1974, the Legal Profession (Amendment) Act 1986 and the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act 1991. There is also a brief discussion of the Public Order Act 2009, but by the time Rajah reaches this law, the objectives and strategies employed by the PAP government have become so familiar from the earlier examples, there is really nothing new left to be said.

The objectives of each of these pieces of legislation are strikingly similar. In each case, the law followed closely the rise of a new political challenge, and was designed to squash it.

  • That the Vandalism Act was aimed at Barisan Socialis’ street messaging has already been discussed.
  • The Newspaper and Printing Presses Act 1974 was aimed that securing control of the print media after the Chinese-language newspaper Nanyang Siang Pau began to voice the disaffection of the Chinese-educated. This statute too was presaged by detentions under the Internal Security Act; four executives of the newspaper were arrested on 2 May 1971 and held without trial.
  • The Legal Profession (Amendment) Act followed the Law Society’s criticism of the government’s attempt to extend controls to foreign media.
  • The Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act 1991 followed the 1987/1988 detentions of social justice activists who had the support of the Catholic Church. While the government could deal with the activists through detention without trial, it needed a less blunt, preventative instrument to deal with any religious group wanting to act on its conscience.
  • Finally, the Public Order Act 2009 was meant to shut down the tiny streetside protests of opposition leader Chee Soon Juan, who was gaining (foreign) media attention this way.

Strategies

What strategies were employed by the PAP to get such illiberal legislation passed and yet maintain legitimacy? Rajah’s analysis of this question is particularly illuminating, if not entirely new. In the lead-up to each of these pieces of legislation, she found a discourse heavy with these devices:

Regularly deployed is the language of exceptional national vulnerability, used to legitimise exceptional measures that depart from norms of rule of law. The threat of communism was one, used not only in the 1960s but as late as in 1987 when the Soviet Union was on its last legs and China had turned Dengist. The “hyperbolic narratives of violence” (page 270) along faultlines of race and religion is another one that is constantly played up. It is still in use today. As well, there are assertions of perpetual economic danger.

Secondly, the actors targetted for silencing are demonised, their activities cast as being anti-national. Over time, and coupled with allegations that their activities exposed Singapore to the exceptional vulnerabilities mentioned above, anti-PAP has become reflexively seen as anti-Singapore. This demonisation is carried out through ministerial statements, dutifully printed by an emasculated press, and through performative theatre such as inquisitorial Select Committee hearings, and scripted TV interviews of detainees.

Thirdly, Rajah finds from the historical record a persistent language of infantilisation. The PAP tends to speak of citizens as incapable of absorbing the full facts or understanding the issues thoroughly. This is coupled with language that casts the PAP as protective. The result is a demand for or appeal to trust. One example she drew was from the 1987 detentions leading up to the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act.

Significantly, the state’s account of the ‘conspiracy’ was rarely clear about the precise nature of the activities of the Catholics it detained. Instead, the focus was on the threat to the ‘nation’ that had been averted and the need for citizens to submit themselves to the state’s  authority. . . . at no point in the speech did Goh [Chok Tong] address the basic question of what the ‘conspirators’ actually did that so imperilled the ‘nation’.

– ibid, page 228.

Just as interesting is how cabinet ministers also deployed performance. In public statements following the 1987 arrests, they said the Internal Security Department had investigated those unspecified activities and

[Goh] then positions himself himself as a member of the ruling elite and presents the state’s good faith in responsibly arriving at the decision to order the ISD action: “We asked many questions.  We wanted to be very sure that the conspiratorial activities  . . . were indeed prejudicial to the security of Singapore . . . All of us were satisfied”.

– ibid, page 230.

The above conjures a picture of rule-of-law processes (checks and questioning) when the whole affair was anything but.

Fourthly, there is a tendency to leave key words and phrases in legislation undefined. This violates a ‘rule of law’ principle that laws must have textual clarity. For example, the Public Order Act targets activities that  “publicise a cause or campaign”, but nowhere does it define what might constitute a cause or campaign. It is left to the minister to determine it and cannot be reviewed by the courts. The Newspaper and Printing Presses Act speaks of “person[s] who [have] been granted the written approval of the Minister” to hold management shares, but who these persons shall be, how determined, and how approval may be withdrawn another day is left to the minister again.

The approach is one

… conceiving of ‘law’ as entirely within Parliament’s  hands and denying the role of the courts in policing, so to speak, the content of ‘law’.

– ibid, page 212.

Such vague language left to the executive to define creates arbitrariness. Courts, if not explicitly excluded from the role of judicial review by ouster clauses (which most of her examples contain) will find it hard to grapple with such vague law, even if they are inclined to. However, as Rajah points out, they seldom are.

Singapore’s statist courts accept and enforce the meanings imposed by the state.

– ibid, page 283.

Yearning for legitimacy

Today, in the sphere touching on politics, the situation has been reduced to one of ‘rule by law’. The kind of political, civil society and citizen questioning called for by the spirit of ‘rule of law’ in order to ensure that the state is subordinate to law

would be treated as a political challenge warranting extreme state coercion

– ibid, page 186.

And yet,

The state’s  attempts to closely control and manage presentations and performances of its legitimacy speak of its anxiety to be seen as legitimately ‘rule of law’.

– ibid, page 142.

This is because the PAP state yearns for the legitimacy that only Western democratic countries can bestow. And also because Singapore’s foundational documents (e.g. our constitution) use language that is infused with liberalism and ‘rule of law’. Constitutional legitimacy would become elusive should it be pointed out that the true behaviour of the PAP contravenes the intent of these documents. This may explain the care taken to attend to the performative aspects of ‘rule of law’ at least, and by this means to hide away the repeated assault on the substantive meaning of ‘rule of law’.

It is here that Rajah brings up a novel point. Very often, the PAP in its defence alludes to how Singapore’s legal and political system is descended from Britain. This is used as yet another bullet point in support of ‘rule of law’ legitimacy. But she points out that in many ways, our laws are not descended from Britain. They are instead descended from colonial rule, and colonial rule is inherently illiberal. Colonial governments did not rule over citizens; they ruled over subjects. Colonial governors did not submit themselves to election nor permit much political contestation; they enacted laws such as the Internal Security Act and the Sedition Act meant to control rebellion, and they saw themselves as the enlightened and civilised few sent here to protect the natives who could not be trusted to see their own best interests, grasp the facts or even understand the complex issues of the day.

The examples she studied and presented in her book all have a similar character. She thus argues that

The nation-state has adopted the colonial legal regime in a manner that renders the nation-state a neo-colonising entity, subordinating and infantilising citizen-subjects.

– ibid, page 279.

Left for another day

One comes to the end of the book wanting more. What might Rajah have to say about the creation of Group Representation Constituencies? In what way are our notorious defamation suits also performative theatre, meant to give the impression that rule of law operates when the meaning of ‘rule of law’ is banished by Singapore’s exceptional construction of ‘defamation’?

One also sees the same strategies that she has described in the ongoing attempts to control social media and online speech. Here again the PAP sees a new civil society force gathering momentum. Here again, the same hyperbolic narrative of racial and religious discord is deployed to demonise and isolate participants (with an added twist: the “threat” of sexual predation). Here again, one sees attempts to use executive discretion to “license” and administratively control such activities, with as little judicial oversight as they can get away with.

The stunning consistency in application of these techniques of control over half a century is depressing. The findings of her study would lend no support to those who believe that things are changing; that Singapore is “freeing up”. In fact, as she progressed through her research,

My desire to adopt a scholarly detachment from the narratives I have uncovered has been thwarted by my growing distress at the violent and repeated amputation of the protective mechanisms of ‘rule of law’ in the Singapore state’s execution of ‘rule by law’.

– ibid, page 296.

But if the PAP has no desire to change, or is incapable of change, what conclusion must we draw?

Article first appeared on Alex Au Waipang's blog Yawning Bread.

Au Waipang: I was born in 1952 in Singapore and am of Chinese descent. I am the third generation to live in Singapore, second generation born here. I regularly blog at Yawning Bread.

 

Comprehensive Alternative Proposals from NSP, SDP & WP

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As of now, the NSP, SDP and WP have released detailed alternative population policy proposals, with the WP just releasing theirs. It seems that when you put the various initiatives together, one then has a comprehensive alternative population policy. Here’s an overview:

Employment Policy:

  • Ensure that only high quality foreign professionals get to work here and are granted PR/SC status if they apply (SDP)
  • Require employer pay-out parity to prevent non-performance-based discrimination against Singaporeans (levies to be re-factored as taxes, which is more administratively hygienic) (SDP)
  • Regulatory initiatives to increase the labour force participation rate (WP)

Preserving and Strengthening the Singapore Identity:

  • A reasonable rate of immigration (NSP, SDP, WP)
  • Remove (presently) artificial racial lines between Singaporeans by eliminating the Ethnic Integration Policy and the reporting of race on official documents (SDP)

Supporting a higher TFR:

Others:

  • Align remuneration and rewards of policy makers (who draft/implement immigration policy) with the well-being of Singaporeans first through income-based measures and then (once methodologies are fleshed out) holistic measures of positive and negative impact of economic activity (SDP)
  • Incorporate environmental impact in front-end planning for (land) development projects (WP)
  • Prepare for the demographic shift towards an older population (SDP, WP)

The various one-liners really do not do the line items justice, some more so than others. Have a look at the papers and think of what a constructive alternative government can do for Singapore. Here are links to the papers by: the NSPthe SDP, and the WP.

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Jeremy Chen

* Jeremy is currently a PhD student at the Dept of Decision Sciences at NUS Business School. Previously, he was with DSTA, working on developing decision support systems and performing operational studies. Jeremy believes in “social justice” and “the free market”, and in particular that they can be beautifully synthesized. He explained that it is for this reason that he is politically aligned with SDP. He is a member of SDP and also a member of the SDP Housing Panel. He blogs at http://jeremy-chen.org.

Road Map to GE 2016

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It’s good to have more alternative parties. I agree that WP, SDP and NSP have some good people. As for SPP, hopefully CST’s health can improve and more good men and women will join him to again contest Toa Payoh – Bishan GRC in GE 2016 as Potong Pasir is likely to be absorbed into a GRC.

KJ of RP has lost a lot of respect in contesting the PE BE. He can, however, redeem himself by pitting himself against LHL in AMK GRC if he can muster a strong team. KJ has to look at his team objectively to see if he has enough good men; if not, he should give way to another alternative party to take on LHL. KJ can also team up with CST if he needs a strong minority candidate for his GRC team.  KJ is too good a talent to fade into oblivion; he was simply not politically astute in contesting the PE BE and must now be humble to admit his mistake or miscalculation.  Hopefully, KJ can perpetuate the legacy of his father, the well respected JBJ.

All alternative parties should give way to another party which has worked the ground in a constituency/GRC or contested it in GE 2011, although an exception should be made for Punggol-Pasir Ris GRC since SDA has not caught on with the electorate. I believe DL said something like this at the alternative parties’ pow-wow before GE 2011: “Look into the mirror. If you are handsome, you are handsome. If you are ugly, you are ugly.” DL should learn his lesson and not squander his election deposits – be it his own money or the SDA’s (assuming no other party funds him or the SDA, as many netizens seem to think).

Unless Benjamin Pwee and/or Chia Li Tik bring their respective parties, DPP and SF, into the SDA, it does not look like SDA as an alliance under DL has any future – much as he claimed that his recent participation in the PE BE is to keep the flame of the SDA burning (the flame was in fact almost extinguished with the very dismal showing of DL).

Although boundaries are likely to be re-drawn, the alternative parties should work the ground now to snag at least the following GRCs from PAP:

  • AMK (6 seats): RP (or another alternative party)
  • Bishan-Toa Payoh (5 seats): SPP (in co-operation with RP, if necessary) or another alternative party (WP or SDP), if SPP cannot field a strong team
  • East Coast (5 seats): WP
  • Holland / Bukit Timah (4 seats): SDP
  • Marine Parade (5 seats): NSP
  • Moulmein-Kallang (4 seats): WP
  • Punggol-Pasir Ris (6 seats): WP
  • Sembawang (5 seats): SDP
  • Tampines (5 seats): NSP
  • Tanjong Pagar (5 seats): SDP

All parties should field “A” teams for GRCs.

Hopefully, with WP retaining Aljunied GRC (5 seats), Hougang and PE SMCs, the total seats for the alternative parties would be 57 seats – assuming all the above were won. If the total number of MPs remain at the current 87, this means that the alternative parties would still be one short of the required 2/3 majority (58 MPs) to pass constitutional amendments to reverse those passed by PAP for self-serving reasons to preserve and entrench themselves as the government. One more GRC or one more SMC has to fall into the alternative parties’ hands to achieve the minimum 2/3-majority needed.

The following should be contingencies or fall-backs if any of the above GRCs are not won: Choa Chu Kang GRC (NSP), Nee Soon GRC (WP), West Coast GRC (RP or SDP, if RP cannot muster a strong team) and Joo Chiat SMC (WP) if it is not absorbed into a GRC. The alternative parties should focus on the giant fishes (GRCs) and not the small fishes (SMCs). The PAP ministers, especially those who talk too much without a feel for the ground, are vulnerable and can be dislodged.

We need to be realistic that it is not possible for alternative parties to come together as one, as of now. We can only hope that they will avoid 3 or multi-cornered fights or the electorate will act as in PE BE, if they failed to do so, in casting all or nearly all anti-PAP votes for the alternative party with the best prospects of displacing PAP.

If WP acquires a new building, it should convene a meeting of all alternative parties before GE 2016 to discuss and agree on avoiding three or multi-cornered fights. There is no need for SDA to do so (as it lacks the stature), as in GE 2011 when DL of SDA hosted one — kind courtesy of PKMS in its building. DL, who seemed to have an inflated sense of importance as the head of the pow-wow in his capacity as Secretary-General of the SDA at that time, may perhaps withdraw to concentrate on raising his family as politics does not seem to be his cup of tea.

All would-be candidates of alternative parties should at least be graduates, although they need not come from elite universities since there are many other qualities which matter (as in WP’s Lee Li Lian’s case). However, they must be fluent in their speeches.  If they cannot speak naturally off the cuff, they must do so fluently from prepared texts when they deliver their speeches at rallies. Hopefully, more Malay graduates will join the alternative parties as they usually have problems attracting good Malay candidates for GRC teams.  The PAP seems to be aware of this problem and uses its extensive grassroots network to nab most of the promising ones before the alternative parties reach them.

The ground is now sweet, and alternative parties should WALK it and not merely TALK to prepare for GE 2016. As the Population White Paper has been rushed through and passed, PAP MUST BE OUSTED IN GE 2016. Forget about its promise to review the situation annually and the continuing National Conversation – which appears to be an exercise to persuade or convert people to PAP’s policies by re-packaging or communicating them in a different way. If PAP is still the government after GE 2016, the 6.0 million population target, benchmark or parameter (whatever term may be used to call this) will be reached in 2020 (as the next GE is in 2021), and then the 6.9 million in 2030 or even earlier — based on PAP’s consistent track records in the past in exceeding targets or plan parameters for population.

VOTE WISELY in GE 2016.  EVERY VOTE IS CRITICAL AND IMPORTANT to effect a regime change.  2016 may be the last chance to make this happen before the Singaporean core in the population becomes too diluted to make this happen.

Majulah Singapura!

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Watchman


Young Singaporeans turning their backs on the Singapore Dream

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Picture: Painter MaryAnn Loo works next to her art pieces in her home. Some young Singaporeans feel a sense of disconnect from the traditional paths that are laid out ahead of them as part of this striving - get into a top school, land a high-paying job and hope that their children can build on their achievements.

 

Ong Hui Juan spent nearly four years working in a British bank in Singapore, but decided to leave last year to pursue her passion of working with youth – an unusual and surprising decision in the achievement-oriented city state.

But Ong, 25, is just one of a growing number of young Singaporeans who are turning their backs on the material joys of the long-cherished “Singapore Dream,” summed up as the “Five C’s” – cash, car, credit card, condominium and country club membership – to do what they enjoy, even at much lower pay.

“I wanted to get out of a nine-to-five job. It was waiting for bonus after bonus, promotion after promotion. That didn’t really appeal to me,” said Ong, who studied banking and financeat university, but had worked with young people on the side.

“I don’t need to be very rich as long as I have enough to get by for myself and my family, and I continue to have the flexible time I have now.”

Young people may want to slow down, but the government does not. Singapore has long counted on its people as its biggest resource, the one that helped drive its transformation from a sea port with few natural resources into a key financial center after independence in 1965.

The government has also placed a strong emphasis on practical skills such as science and mathematics in schools, with Singapore students usually excelling in international tests.

It is just one part of what has made Singapore one of the world’s richest countries, with gross domestic product per capita of S$63,050 ($50,123) in 2011, 48 times the level in 1960, according to government statistics.

Not one to rest on its laurels, though, the Singapore government recently released a nearly 80-page “white paper” calling for higher productivity in its workforce and projecting population growth by as much as 30 percent by 2030.

But far from going along, some young Singaporeans feel a sense of disconnect from the traditional paths that are laid out ahead of them as part of this striving – get into a top school, land a high-paying job and hope that their children can build on their achievements.

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More news on: http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/02/18/us-singapore-dream-idUSBRE91H01J20130218

Request for financial transparency from MINDEF

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MINDEF

 

Jeremiah Oon
7:59 PM (1 hour ago)
 
to admintheonlinecitiz.MindefNg_Eng_Hen

Dear The Real Singapore and The Online Citizen,

 
I wrote many email letters to Dr Ng Eng Hen and his Permanent Secretary, Samantha about things related to National Service and MINDEF. E.g. disadvantage of national service, concern about NSmen with loss of 2 legs and 1 arm, lie detector adopted during enlistment screening test, recently NSmen having heart attack during training.
 
Some of my emails were replied with acknowledged by his Permanent Secretary, Samantha by email. The rest were not replied by email but by physical mail.
 
I wonder why MINDEF chose to spend taxpayers' monies to send physical letters with acknowledgement (e.g. feedback, complaint acknowledgement)
 
So far, I received all four physical letters from his Permanent Secretary, Samantha on four different occasions. All these letters were folded improperly (i.e. fold unevenly). I think it is really wasteful to spend taxpayers' monies to send mail physically instead of using emails to send acknowledgement.
 
Thus, I would like to urge you to call for financial transparency about MINDEF's expenditure. According to the MINDEF web page, about 6% of GDP in 2012 was allocated for MINDEF expenditure (Refer to http://www.mindef.gov.sg/imindef/mindef_websites/atozlistings/dmg/Business/Finance_Management.html and http://sgforums.com/forums/1390/topics/383567)
 
I wonder if MINDEF prefers delivering mails physically to replying by email. More transparency from MINDEF should be needed.
 
For your information, there are two Permanent Secretary for MINDEF - Ms Zheng Xinhui and Ms Samantha Zhuang.
 
Regards,
Jeremiah Oon
Deaf Singaporean
 
CC: Dr Ng Eng Hen and Permanent Secretary, Samantha

 

Peace Of Mind

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MediFund

Vowing that no Singaporeans will be denied health care because they cannot afford it, Health Minister Gan Kim Yong claims the Government will ensure there is enough money to help the needy, especially the elderly. The devil, as usual, is in the details.

Gan revealed that the Medifund's capital sum now stands at a humongous $3 billion. The actual money paid out for health care, he explained, is the income from the interest earned on this capital sum. Since we are not told how the interest is generated, it is quite safe to assume some "investment experts" are using the capital sum for monopoly money.

Medifund received $82.4 million in the last financial year, in all likelihood earned largely from taxes contributed by you and me. We are told $90.8 million was given out to patients in health care institutions, due to the 519,380 applications approved by the health authorities. We are not told how many applicants were rejected, and told to get out of their elite, uncaring faces. The really big question is why $3 billion less $90.8 million is kept aside from people who need it most. That's not all. For past two decades, Medifund has always has kept aside more money than the amount it has disbursed to health bodies - collect more, give less. Before a general election, all surplus creamed off is added to the accumulating capital sum, locked away and well beyond touch of the needy folk.

Medifund was supposed to be a financial safety net to help Singaporeans in genuine need. In theory, those who still face difficulties with hospital expenses, even after Government subsidies, Medisave and MediShield, can approach a medical social worker to help them apply for Medifund. In practice, the procedure can be quite daunting. Take Medisave for an example.

An elderly relative recently asked for assistance to apply for use of his Medisave for his monthly check up and medication at an IMH clinic. Thanks to the language barrier, the dialect speaking senior had postponed the hassle of the request for several years. The retiree had been paying for the medicals out of cash, which was swiftly depleted thanks to rising cost of living and the regressive GST. Surprised it wasn't done earlier, the doctor we presented the case to gave her approval without hesitation, as it was well within guidelines.

The next surprise was at the payment counter, when he was asked which "package" to opt for. For instance, to use Medisave for payments totalling up to $400 a year, he has to first pay out-of-pocket $101 (so-called "Package Value" $501). No ready cash, no access to Medisave. We dipped into our wallets and helped him out. After all, he was there because his cash reserve was low in the first place.

Meanwhile somebody is sitting pretty on $3 billion of cash reserves. Gan said, "We will continue to do more to provide the elderly with added peace of mind when it comes to health-care services". We weren't feeling too peaceful when leaving the clinic, our brains racked with all the permutations that the needy and elderly have been, and continue to be, short changed.

Article by Tattler on his blog Singapore Notes.

 

Labour Shortage? Pay More, Stupid

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Pay more!

We always get this stupid reason that companies cannot find workers, but why don’t companies pay more, and yes they will say they can’t survive as a business, than why not pack up and leave?

Besides you are not keen to pay a decent wage and not keen to hire Singaporeans but want Singaporeans to patronize your goods and services?

We have to band together and support companies that hire more Singaporeans and fewer foreigners!

Boycott those companies that hire lots of foreigners to run its operations, let us choose how and where to spend our money.

Singaporeans are not that stupid and it is not a loss to us if you pack up and leave because you are only here to push our wages further into the ground!

If you think you can do better, I suggest that you take your business to the cheap source of labor supply like Philippines, India, China, etc, try to setup a company there, squeeze the local’s salary there and see what happens to you and your company?

So cut the crap that Singaporeans don’t want to work, it’s because you are trying to get us to take dirt cheap wages and want to maximize your profit.

You are just a side effect of the PAP policy that enables you to operate in this manner.

I hope Singaporeans wake up and look out for our own interests because the PAP has sold out this country, once you are jobless you are likely to get screwed over your wage, and if you remain jobless for long, the recruiter will say that you have lost touch with the industry.

We need to say NO to the PAP’s White Paper, as it will make a mess of our lives, just look at the population of 5.3 million, it’s a disaster!

There is no job that Singaporeans won’t do, if the salary makes sense in relation to the cost of living!

Ministers want a million dollar salary and have some special formula to calculate their wage, but simple things like minimum wage they can’t have to protect low income earners?

I hope our CPF and our national reserves are still around, because we don’t want to wake up to a GREECE one day to find that the country is bankrupt.

SDP and kenneth jayaretnam should be in parliament as they are bold enough to ask these PAP heart stopping questions in parliament.

This is our country, and PAP is not Singapore and Singapore is not PAP!

3 more years to endure, let’s make a change for the better, say NO to PAP!

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Troy

Wanted Indian fugitive could even get a work permit in SG

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Wanted

Sreenesh Thaikkodathil Sreedharan, wanted for the murder of a trader, flew to Tiruchy airport from Singapore to escape notice. He even chucked his passport into a toilet dustbin aboard, but city police were ready and waiting

The Air India Express flight from Singapore touched Tiruchirappalli Airport on Friday and Sreenesh Thaikkodathil Sreedharan, wanted in a murder case, thought freedom was a walk out of the airport. He chucked his passport (G2803624) in a toilet bin aboard the aircraft so that there wouldn’t be a whiff of his identity. However, he hadn’t bargained for a wily Bangalore police lying in wait for him and walked right into their trap a la a Hollywood crime thriller.

Wanted for the cold-blooded murder of a cosmetics trader at Hotel Pai Viceroy on J C Road (see box), 30-year-old Sreedharan, a native of Calicut, had fled to Malaysia before settling down in Singapore. However, he soon ran into trouble in Singapore for overstaying on a tourist visa. But, he produced a work permit and sought the court’s permission to stay on. The court asked him to go back to India and return on the work visa.

Bangalore police, meanwhile, wasn’t exactly napping on the job. They had managed to track down his girlfriend, a call centre employee working in Whitefield. They put her under surveillance and learnt about the visa problem. They took his girlfriend into confidence and when he told her that he did not have money to buy an air ticket, police arranged a ticket for him and mailed it through her.

To escape from a lookout circular issued against him, Sreedharan insisted on landing at the lesser known Tiruchirappalli airport in Tamil Nadu, confident that he could give authorities the slip. However, police was not letting him escape this time. Unknown to him, they sent a person to Singapore to fly back with him on the same aircraft without his knowledge. And a team of police officers waited for him at the airport.

Sensing that things could go wrong at the immigration counter, Sreedharan dumped his passport in the toilet dustbin. When asked to produce his passport, he told immigration authorities that he may have misplaced it in Singapore after the immigration check. When Bangalore police tried to take him into custody, he pretended that he was not the person they were looking for. However, Bangalore police, who were sure of his identity, told immigration authorities to check the aircraft he had arrived in.

A message was sent to the flight captain. As the flight was about to take off to Chennai, immigration authorities ran across the runway to stop the flight. Flight crew checked the passengers’ seat and toilet and found a passport chucked in the toilet dustbin. They handed it over to immigration authorities. The passport details tallied with the lookout notice issued against him. He was taken into custody and brought to Bangalore under maximum security.

The entire operation was supervised by joint commissioner of police, crime (west) Pronab Mohanthy who had earlier worked in the CBI and assistant commissioner of police G B Kowri.

Police commissioner B G Jyothiprakash Mirji rewarded the policemen who were part of the operation during a press conference on Monday.

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More news on:http://www.bangaloremirror.com/article/10/2013021920130219010649406665a8d2c/When-cops-set-girlfriend-as-a-bait-to-trap-fugitive.html

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